Sunday's election of Mahmoud Abbas as president of the Palestinian Authority is a big step toward a brighter future for the Palestinian people. This election was the first since the late Yasser Arafat was "elected" president of the Palestinian Authority nine years ago in a virtually uncontested and deeply flawed vote. Abbas (also known as Abu Mazen) is no stranger to the politics of the Middle East. A leader in the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations during the Clinton administration, Abbas served as the first Palestinian prime minister before resigning in frustration over Arafat's unwillingness to deal with corruption and terrorism. A realist by nature, Abbas has voiced opposition to violence and has advocated political solutions to issues of contention. He now must demonstrate true determination if he is to enact the needed reform within the Palestinian Authority in his term.
While elected in a landslide, Abbas does not have the same broad support that his predecessor did. Arafat was the only leader most Palestinians had ever known, and he was widely credited for bringing the Palestinian agenda to the world stage. Abbas must now gain the support of the Palestinian street while distancing himself from Arafat's legacy in order to allow for reform.
Unfortunately, deals made before the election with radical groups and individuals could make this difficult. One such deal was apparently made with Marwan Barghouti, Abbas' main election rival who withdrew his candidacy on Dec. 12. Barghouti placed his support behind Abbas, but only in exchange for certain political favors. These favors may handicap Abbas as he begins to face difficult decisions in the coming weeks.
While Abbas' efforts to build public support are important, they are not as important as reforms he must make to ensure the smooth operation of the Palestinian Authority. Some changes have recently been implemented that will make the application of international aid easier, more efficient and more effective. The Palestinian Authority has begun to pay employees, including security officers, with checks instead of cash. This allows for increased transparency that will increase the confidence of nations and organizations interested in helping develop the West Bank and Gaza. But while these changes are a step in the right direction, these steps toward transparency are not enough.
During Arafat's "reign," corruption was widespread, and anyone with influence could get away with murder (sometimes literally). Ending corruption will not be easy, but it must be a priority. Many, both inside the Palestinian Authority and outside, will fight against reforms that weaken their influence or reduce their income. Some may even take up arms against Abbas because of such changes. Abbas must nonetheless push forward for the long-term welfare of his people.
Abbas also must ensure the safety of his people, in part by cracking down on the terrorists who have taken so many Israeli and Palestinian lives. He is now in charge of a factionalized security network comprising more than a dozen security agencies created by Arafat. These organizations were designed to guarantee that no one agency gained enough power to ever challenge Arafat. To be effective, Abbas should combine these factions into a maximum of three security agencies reporting to a single government minister, as required by the U.S.-backed Roadmap for Peace. This will allow for actual law enforcement, long absent in the West Bank and Gaza.
The redrafting of a constitution for the Palestinian people will most likely be Abbas' greatest challenge in the coming years. Many government institutions already exist, including the Palestinian Legislative Council. However, Abbas and the other drafters of the new constitution will have to include new structures and ideals such as a modern judiciary and a system of checks and balances. They also will have to look at the long, nine-year term for president. By reducing the length of this term and incorporating term limits, the drafters would ensure that the president does not forget his connection to the citizens and that he remains accountable to the public.
In the final week of his election campaign, Abbas pandered to a number of Palestinian political groups. When talking to some, he referred to Israel with the radical terminology employed by Hamas and other terrorist groups. However, on the same day, he spoke almost warmly of Israel in another location. Abbas must now decide which path to follow. He can continue with Arafat's unsuccessful approach, or he can lead the Palestinians back to the negotiating table and improve the living conditions and the future of the Palestinian people.
Abbas is not going to get through all of this on his own. He must work with other nations, including Egypt, the United States and, yes, Israel. The Israel-Egypt relationship has been warming in recent months in advance of the Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. While it now appears as if Israel will hand security supervision over Gaza to Egypt, Abbas could actually gain full control if he quickly begins negotiations with Israel. Using the withdrawal from Gaza as a start, Abbas, Prime Minister Sharon, President Bush and President Mubarak of Egypt could begin to build the trust necessary to further the peace process and move toward a final status agreement. It is hoped that 2005 will be a year of change in Middle East.
David Manchester is a sophomore in the School of International Service.
